Denmark’s six-month leadership of the Council of the European Union comes to an end on 31 December, passing the baton to Cyprus. Conducted under the slogan “A strong Europe in a changing world”, the Danish presidency has been widely described as discreet in tone but substantial in outcomes, with security and competitiveness—anchored in the green transition—set as its twin priorities.
Security and Defence: Concrete Progress
On defence, Copenhagen delivered a key result with the agreement on the EDIP regulation, strengthening the development of Europe’s defence industrial base. In the context of Russia’s war against Ukraine, the presidency oversaw the adoption of the 18th and 19th EU sanctions packages. Crucially, future renewals of these measures will now be decided by a qualified majority rather than unanimity—shielding them from potential vetoes by leaders such as Viktor Orbán. At the final stretch, EU member states also reached agreement on a €90 billion loan package for Kyiv over the next two years. However, Denmark was forced to abandon its push to use frozen Russian assets within the EU to finance this support, despite strong backing from the European Commission and countries like Germany. Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen had even suggested bypassing Belgian opposition via qualified majority voting ahead of the decisive 18 December summit. Another notable milestone was the definitive agreement to end Russian gas imports into the EU by 2027.
A Tough Line on Migration
Migration policy was another area of intense activity. Reflecting Denmark’s traditionally firm stance—despite its centre-left government—the presidency advanced a more restrictive EU approach. Key measures included the approval of a common European list of “safe countries of origin” (Bangladesh, Colombia, Egypt, India, Kosovo, Morocco and Tunisia) and a revised definition of “safe third country”, enabling returns to non-EU states with which cooperation agreements exist.
Competitiveness and the Green Transition: Mixed Results
On competitiveness and sustainability, achievements were more uneven. Denmark steered through the first three omnibus simplification packages—though not without friction with the European Parliament, particularly on corporate due diligence—and secured political agreement among member states on three additional packages. The most sensitive environmental dossier, the EU’s 2040 climate target, was preserved at a 90% reduction in CO₂ emissions compared to 1990 levels, as proposed by the Commission. This came at the cost of added flexibility demanded by several member states, including Italy: a higher allowance for international carbon credits (5% instead of 3%), and external “enabling conditions” such as delaying the launch of the ETS2 emissions trading system for buildings and transport from 2027 to 2028. The EU regulation on deforestation was also postponed by one year, with implementation now scheduled for 30 December 2026 and a review clause set for April next year.
Unresolved Issues and Looking Ahead
Denmark leaves behind several open files. Talks with the European Parliament stalled on air passenger rights and the proposed ban on using meat-related terms for plant-based products. The controversial “chat control” proposal aimed at tackling online child sexual abuse was withdrawn over privacy concerns. No progress was made on opening the first accession cluster for Ukraine and Moldova, due to Hungary’s veto, and approval of the EU-Mercosur trade agreement was again postponed—though it may advance early in the Cypriot presidency. Perhaps the most politically delicate unresolved issue is the next EU multiannual budget. Denmark failed to bridge divides over the reintroduction of rebates for so-called “frugal” countries, a move opposed by Italy and France. Overall, Denmark’s presidency may not have generated headlines, but it delivered measurable progress across defence, sanctions, migration and parts of the green agenda—leaving its successor a dense, politically charged to-do list for 2026.
